A Celebration Postponed Until Further Notice
Benjamin Netanyahu arrived in Washington carrying everything any Prime Minister could desire. He had just barely escaped the lingering consequences of the October 7th curse. He had struck powerful blows against Iran’s nuclear and missile programs — even if it was with critical American participation. He had launched attacks that pushed Hezbollah back by years, shackling it with mounting domestic pressures. He had overthrown the Assad regime and curbed Iranian influence in Syria, installing a regime more pliable to outside influence, fueled by the suffering of the Syrian people.
He had also worked to tame the de facto rulers of Gaza under the pounding of Gideon tanks, to push through a deal on Israel's terms. Painful strikes had been launched on Yemen, targeting its infrastructure and its vital lifelines. The path seemed open to Arab capitals previously resistant to normalization. But once the shuttle meetings with Donald Trump and his administration began and the intelligence files were opened, it became clear: none of the celebratory themes were complete enough to warrant celebration.
Iran’s nuclear and missile programs were not fully dismantled — at least no one outside Trump’s circle dares claim otherwise. Hezbollah had not declared defeat or dismantled its arsenal. The new regime in Syria could not pursue final normalization with Israel independent of Arab and Turkish influence. Gaza’s rulers had not agreed to a deal on Israeli terms, despite their people’s suffering. Yemen responded with unprecedented attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea. And the Arab capitals eyed for normalization still stood by their public conditions, particularly regarding the Abraham Accords.
So what remains to celebrate? When fighter jets, tanks, and infantry boots can't decisively draw the boundaries of victory, shadow warfare, cyber ops, AI, political acrobatics, and economic sanctions certainly won’t complete the picture. When what we have are partial and fractured triumphs, there’s simply nothing to celebrate — collectively or individually. Thus, the logic of reality dictates: postpone the celebration — and likely, it won’t be rescheduled anytime soon.
Three agendas are locked in a brutal clash, breaking bones and cracking skulls. No concessions are possible for any to survive. The first: the Israeli agenda led by the far-right settler movement, perfectly mirrored by Donald Trump — a convergence not reached by any previous American administration, Republican or Democrat.
This agenda, fully adopted by Netanyahu post-October 7th, discards earlier ideas of “peace through economic incentives and technological superiority.” Now, it's peace by force — first, second, and last. Existential threats will be dealt with immediately, not deferred for diplomatic negotiation.
The second agenda — the so-called “Axis of Resistance” — is similarly rigid. Despite the harsh blows it suffered (and those it dealt), its structure doesn’t allow even theoretical revisions. To do so would mean revisiting sacred founding principles — and thus collapsing the very dogma upon which it raised generations. So forget about dismantling nuclear programs or missile capabilities, disarming militias, or deconstructing military structures.
The third agenda belongs to the rest of the world, particularly those with direct interests. Neither of the above agendas pleases them. They now watch silently, having left Trump to orchestrate the scene alone. But the role-swapping game he plays with Netanyahu is now fully exposed.
The dream of a right-wing Israel dominating the Middle East while retaining Arab oil and gas wealth won’t last. That wealth was available for one presidential term only. And the political checks Trump issued are void — not even fit for burning, as they contain environmentally harmful materials.
Arabs are being asked to recycle their fossil wealth to replenish their sovereign funds. As for global powers supportive of Arab causes, they’re more constrained than motivated to step in effectively. Trump is so consumed by the Middle East’s chaos, he has little room left to pivot elsewhere — to matters of more pressing strategic value. And global powers see this clash best resolved by draining both sides until they are weak enough to bargain at a lower cost.
Meanwhile, negotiations for the hostage deal — based on the "Witkoff Plan" and its Qatari amendments — are underway in Doha. Netanyahu and Trump hoped to headline the agreement in a grand Washington celebration. Netanyahu presented his maps for troop repositioning in Gaza — which showed 40% of the territory effectively removed from future negotiation. These areas were to be held and expanded, not relinquished. Troops stationed there would be in offensive, not defensive posture.
Each detail in the plan carries more potential for explosion than for resolution. Both sides want the deal to shape Gaza’s “next day.” Netanyahu wants a “warrior’s rest,” solidifying absolute Israeli security control over Gaza while stripping Hamas of almost all its remaining power. Gaza’s rulers want a total Israeli withdrawal and an end to the war. Between these poles, fierce battles continue on the ground. Remaining resistance pockets have shifted to offense, striking hard and publicly. Israel responds with deadly precision — especially targeting those released in the Shalit deal — and civilians continue to bear the greatest cost.
In this context, Trump watches the calendar, hoping to strut before his guests, claiming all progress as a testament to his “supernatural genius.” He leaves Netanyahu to draw red lines, and sends threats to the other side that his patience is running out.
If Netanyahu’s talk of “voluntary relocation” isn't convincing, his repeated claim that several countries are willing to accept large numbers of Gazans isn’t fantasy — it’s actively in progress.
Whether or not the deal goes through, anyone who still believes Netanyahu’s primary goal is hostage rescue is deluded. Hostages are now his ticket to prolonging the war. Should the deal proceed on Israel’s terms, it will merely formalize what's already happening on the ground. The path to “victory” runs through Gaza — not through Iran or its proxies. As long as Gaza burns, the Israeli far-right sees opportunity.
Their ultimate goal: reassert full security control over Gaza, displace most of its population, sever its connection with the West Bank, and end the dream of a contiguous Palestinian state — permanently.
Conclusion:
Netanyahu returned from Washington having disappointed Trump’s vanity. No deal worthy of celebration. So let all “quasi-victories” be postponed as well. There’s no point in lingering in Washington. Coordination is done — now it’s time to manage internal volatility.
Angry families of hostages. Far-right ministers Smotrich and Ben-Gvir threatening to collapse the government. A hostile opposition. Netanyahu is walking through a minefield, trying to balance extracting half of Hamas’ power with achieving both declared and hidden goals of war.
His history shows: if violence didn’t deliver results, more violence will. He’s already resumed military escalation upon returning from Washington. The Morag corridor now matters more than saving ten hostages from death.
It recalls last year’s rhetoric about holding the Philadelphi Corridor during any deal — which he did. So will Gaza’s de facto rulers repeat the same cycle — rejection, then acceptance after immense bloodshed and destruction? The coming days — wide open to all possibilities — will tell.
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