The President-elect of the United States, Donald Trump, is in the process of selecting members for his new administration, which will undoubtedly be a strong indicator of the policies to be pursued regarding various countries and issues. This article focuses on the significance of the U.S. ambassador to Israel and the U.S. representative to the United Nations as key figures whose appointments can provide insights into the anticipated American policies toward the Palestinian cause and the Palestinian people, both on the ground and within the United Nations and its institutions. This issue has been a primary concern on the UN's agenda for decades, without any resolution to date.
To understand the direction Trump’s administration may take during his second term in dealing with the Palestinian issue, it is essential to examine those individuals who were closely involved in this matter during his first term. Their known stances align with the policies that were put in place to match their previously declared views, leading to significant actions within just two years. These actions included recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, moving the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, closing the U.S. consulate in East Jerusalem (which had been a point of contact with the Palestinians), closing the PLO office in Washington, and halting U.S. aid to both the Palestinians and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). Finally, Trump’s proposed solution to the conflict, known as the “Deal of the Century,” mirrored ideas previously championed by Benjamin Netanyahu and was decisively rejected by the Palestinians as it included annexing the Jordan Valley, settlements, and major road networks, leaving Palestinians with less than 8% of historic Palestine.
David M. Friedman David Friedman, former U.S. ambassador to Israel, once stated that a Palestinian state would be established “when Palestinians become like Canadians”—a statement that encapsulated the Trump administration's approach during his first term. Initially misunderstood by journalists, the logical interpretation of this statement was that the creation of a Palestinian state was essentially impossible under current conditions. Friedman’s book Sledgehammer provides insight into how he met Trump and how he believed he was “sent by God” to assist Trump in supporting Israel, drawing on his background as the son of a New York rabbi. He detailed how he convinced Trump of every pro-Israel policy and overcame obstacles within the U.S. State Department, culminating in the “Deal of the Century,” which was met with universal Palestinian rejection.
Nikki Haley Nikki Haley, of Indian descent and a staunch Republican, was chosen by Trump as the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations during his first term. A strong advocate for Israel, Haley resigned after less than two years for personal reasons. During a visit to Israel amid ongoing conflict, she visited an Israeli artillery unit and inscribed on a shell, “Take them out,” a statement that underscored her unwavering stance. This phrase alone is indicative of her broader political positions.
Key Figures in Trump’s Potential Second Administration The focus now is on how the announced positions of Trump’s nominees for these roles in his potential second administration will align with Israeli right-wing ambitions and what risks these alignments may pose to the Palestinian cause. Understanding these risks necessitates a review of the previous positions of the nominees:
Mike Huckabee (Trump’s nominee for U.S. ambassador to Israel) According to CNN, Huckabee, a former governor of Arkansas, stated in 2008 that “there is no such thing as a Palestinian” and that Palestinian identity was a political tool to pressure Israel. In 2015, he argued that a future Palestinian state should be established in neighboring countries like Egypt, Syria, or Jordan, not within Israel’s borders. During an Israeli TV interview, he reiterated that a two-state solution was irrational and unfeasible, suggesting instead that there was ample land outside Israel for such a state.
Elise Stefanik (Trump’s nominee for U.S. ambassador to the United Nations) Stefanik is known for her staunch support of Israel and has accused the UN of anti-Semitism due to its positions on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. She has called for a full reevaluation of U.S. funding to the UN in response to Palestinian efforts to condemn Israel for human rights abuses and war crimes in Gaza and the West Bank. She also strongly backs efforts to cut funding to UNRWA, alleging that the agency collaborates with Hamas, despite an investigative UN committee finding no evidence of such claims.
These figures are the most direct indicators of the policies affecting the Palestinian issue. Reports of appointing Marco Rubio as Secretary of State—known for advocating continued military action in Gaza and placing the blame for civilian casualties on Hamas’s tactics—further highlight the potential direction of Trump's policies. Rubio’s dismissive reaction to Trump’s campaign statements about halting the conflict suggested that such positions may not represent Trump’s actual policy goals. Moreover, Trump’s past remarks on Israel’s “limited size” and the need to “expand” it leave open a wide range of possible interpretations.
Given the anticipated composition of this administration, from the top down to its various departments, the question remains: How will Palestinians and Arabs at large confront this significant threat to the future of the Palestinian people and their cause over the next four years? Will the international coalition formed by Saudi Arabia, the European Union, and Norway be able to meet this challenge, or is there a pressing need for further measures and the activation of shared Arab and Islamic interests to mitigate these risks?
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